Strike in Nepal. Picture from Flickr by user Nepaliaashish, posted under Creative Commons License.

Impressive displays of people power and discipline in Nepal. This article is written from a pro-maoist perspective.

By Jed Brandt
Kathmandu—Two power structures are at loggerheads in Nepal. One just finished filling the streets of the capital city with a massive civil uprising marked by both discipline and revelry. The other is backed by the rifles of the Nepalese Army and the heavy weight of feudal tradition. The revolutionary movement led by the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has a powerful base among the rural and urban poor, along with a disciplined political militia in the unarmed Young Communist League and a partially demobilized People’s Liberation Army. It seeks to topple Nepal’s state apparatus — held over from the monarchy that was deposed just two years ago and composed of the ruling classes. Urban civil uprisings in the mid-1990s first won a parliamentary system of government from the monarchy, but nothing really changed. When expectations crashed into the closed doors of realpolitik elite “democracy,” the Maoists pushed the door open. Over the next decade they built an army to fight a popular insurgency. More than 10,000 people lost their lives in what was the largest armed uprising in Nepal’s history. “It was the failure of the political parties to bring democracy, any real social change for the masses of people, that fueled the People’s War,” said Yubaraj Lama, a prominent actor/director who was thrust into radical politics during the movement against the king. “This is what the Maoists changed. People were very fatalistic, looking up to politicians like princes. That is over.” A second mass uprising in 2006 ended when the king agreed to elections that subsequently saw the Maoist leader Prachanda (Pushpa Kamal Dahal) elected prime minister. Buoyed by broad democratic sentiment, other Maoists won the largest share of seats in Nepal’s new parliament, which abolished the monarchy and announced plans to draft a new constitution. The new leaders rejected the chance to become broker-politicians. When the Nepalese Army chief refused to integrate former Maoist fighters, Prachanda resigned from his post as prime minister. He returned to his supporters and launched a mobilization that could escalate if a constitution to their liking is not delivered. Which brings us to the present. While the old army, bureaucracy and foreign treaties are still in effect, no work in the country can be done without the sanction of the Maoists. There are two armies and no real government, a situation of increasing pressure where one side will eventually try to act decisively.
May Day
Kathmandu, with its banks and walled compounds, is where Nepal’s national elite live, But on the May Day holiday — May 1st — the Maoists made their move there. The city’s streets were taken over by more than 500,000 party members and their supporters. They demanded the resignation of the country’s unelected prime minister and the creation of a constitutional framework for a “New Nepal” that would put political power in the hands of the country’s poor majority for the first time ever. As the protest began, I positioned myself at Kalinki, one of 18 gathering points for marches that wound through the streets to converge at Martyr’s Field in the center of Kathmandu. Red flags with the hammer and sickle were everywhere. Thousands of restaurant and hotel workers assembled around me as contingents began to arrive. Many of the people who came from the rural areas wore traditional bright saris and wraps. They poured in from every direction, until the final group arrived to cries of “Lal salaam!” (“Red Salute!”). The sight of city workers and students meeting country farmers was a heart-warming contrast to the bigoted hostility and fear I see the elites express toward working-class people. We started to march. Young Communist League cadre in their matching track suits set up perimeters protecting the route. They held hands in lines along the road and down the side streets leading in, facing off with lines of police wearing black body armor. Inside the crowd, recently trained protesters formed circles within circles, like an onion, to keep the protests orderly and remain prepared in case of the violent repression that the prime minister threatened. By midday the 18 marches converged at Martyr’s Field. People overflowed out of the huge park and into the surrounding streets. The city was packed for miles in all directions, with loudspeakers echoing the speeches from the center stage. Prachanda and other Maoist leaders from cultural and military fronts shared the stage. The international press was noticeably absent. The day ended without a resignation from Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal. So the next morning, the Maoists launched a general strike.
General strike
By 7 a.m. on May 2, marchers were already in the street. They occupied every major intersection in the city. All stores were closed and shuttered. Protesters made way for emergency vehicles, press, diplomatic cars and water trucks servicing the crowd. The clamor of traffic was gone. The air, for once, was clear. The only sounds were human; groups in conversation, the rise and fall of chanting groups moving in every direction. Clustered in groups of 50 to a few hundred, protesters filed out of occupied campuses, shopping centers and open fields converted into first-aid centers and communal kitchens. Dancers performed for circles of demonstrators and poets moved like troubadours from corner to corner. Near Singa Durbar, the government administration center, hundreds of police in riot gear behind steel barricades and coils of barbed wire faced off with the front edge of the protesters. They blocked the drive leading from the prime minister’s walled compound. Files of marchers moved in and out, then practiced running surges back and forth before the police lines. Hundreds of others sat in groups, passing newspapers around, clustering in meetings and sharing water from trucks festooned with red flags. When an ambulance turned onto the blocked street, Lekhanath Neupane, a philosopher and leader of the Maoist-aligned All Nepal National Independent Students’ Union (Revolutionary) directed the blockade to make way even while they waved their arms in frustration. “Today is a peaceful demonstration only,” Neupane said. “We will not stop lifelines for the people.” The blockade was constant from dawn to dusk, when smoke started rising several streets down. Pyres were torched at a dozen locations near the city center in symbolic funerals for the current government and in theatrical climax to the day’s action. “Nobody is going home until we win. This is our country. These are our countrymen,” said one student whose slight build gave no clue to the years he spent in the People’s Liberation Army during the People’s War. His brother, a schoolteacher-turned-soldier, was among the first martyrs in the war, killed by police in 1996.
Dress rehearsal
On May 3, protesters completely encircled the city twice over, holding hands in two 28-kilometer rows around the Ring Road belt that is one of Kathmandu’s few modern roads. The show of popular power was overwhelming. But the government remained defiant, and the Maoists kept their promise for peaceful protests despite an escalating series of provocations. By the sixth day of the general strike, the Maoists had shown their power with the total shutdown of business, schools and transportation. Supplies were running low, people lacked basic necessities, and clashes broke out in several cities. At the end of the day, Prachanda announced on television that the strike would be “suspended” and that rallies should converge the next day in Martyr’s Field to discuss the movement’s shift. As I walked through the crowd toward the park there was more talk and speculation than chanting. The prime minister had not stepped down, and after two days of increasing tensions, many protesters were prepared for further escalations. I ran into Manushi Yami Bhattara, a student activist at Tribuvan University and daughter of two Maoist party leaders. “In the People’s War we had two ceasefires, and used them to advance,” she said. “We will have a new tactical phase.” “The Janandolan hasn’t been called off,” Madushi said, referring to the Nepali word for a massive civil uprising. “Not the agitations either. Our goal is socialism, that is constant and we are not confused. Whether elections or People’s War or this general strike, we find our tactics from our goals.” In the park, Prachanda told thousands of core Maoist activists that the general strike was preparation for a revolt. Should the government not make way, he said, the general strike would return without the “peacefulness” and “patience” of the six-day shutdown. Now a May 28 deadline for Nepal’s first democratic constitution looms. Prime Minister Nepal refuses to step down, and has continued to call on the Maoists to disband their People’s Liberation Army and Young Communist League. For their part, the Maoists have mobilized the largest movement of people in Nepal’s history, and rejected talks with the governmental parties until the prime minister steps aside. “The strike was only a dress rehearsal,” said Prachanda. “We will show you the entire drama before May 28 if our demands are not met.”[Jed Brandt is a New York-based independent journalist reporting from Nepal.]

Kevin Martin Blog

Kevin Martin

He argues in an article in the Jerusalem Post that if this intifada fails, then Palestinians will give up on a 2 state solution and go for 1 person 1 vote within Israel.

Indeed the nonviolent actions recently in Palestine are most noteworthy for their intensity and scope.

From:

I am Mazin B. Qumsiyeh, a Palestinian American citizen who lived in the US for 29 years before deciding to move to Palestine nearly two years ago.  I received my higher education (Masters, PhD, medical genetics board certification) in the US and served as a faculty member in schools of medicine at the Universities of Tennessee (2.5 years), Duke (6 years), and Yale (5 years). I also helped start a private laboratory in New Jersey that now employs 20 people.  I wrote several books and the last one to be published this year is titled “Hope and Empowerment: A History of Popular Resistance in Palestine”.

What attracted me to the US was the openness and welcoming attitude that allowed me to work not only in my profession as an academic, clinician, and researcher but also to advocate and speak out for human rights.  I gave hundreds of talks and participated in many vigils and protests for example against the war on Iraq and for justice and equality in Israel/Palestine. There was of course always a tiny vocal and rather aggressive minority of Jewish Americans who were attempting to suppress the truth and defend the indefensible. But as time passed by, more and more people of all backgrounds (Jews, Chrsitians, Muslims, etc.) got involved in the struggle for freedom.  This is because they knew that freedom for Palestinians and challenging the delusional Zionist agenda is good for all people.  This is true for US citizens who already paid a heavy price in blood and treasure in places like Iraq because of a special interest lobby in Washington that is now pushing for conflict with Iran.  Iran will certainly cost us far more than the cost of Iraq (so far $3 trillion, few thousand dead Americans, tens of thousands injured for life).

Once I relocated to Palestine, I proceeded to do the same activities I was engaged in here in the US.  I teach at two universities (Bethlehem and Birzeit) and helped establish a master’s program in biotechnology.  I also pursue my passion of educating others on human rights and engaging in other civil resistance actions such as protests and vigils.  Being a believer in civil nonviolent resistance is not easy in an area where there is an occupation and military rule.  Recently, the situation deteriorated in my home town and we became more active in our nonviolent struggle.  Concomitantly, the Israeli army decided to increase the repression.

The Bethlehem district is surrounded by Israeli settlements and military installations on three sides.  The 130,000 Bethlehem residents now have access to only 20% of the original land of the district. And more than half of those residents are refugees from the ethnic cleansing of 1948, or displaced people from post 1967 settlement activities.  Now the settlers, protected by the Israeli military, want to build a settlement in the only remaining area of Bethlehem (to the east).  The town people of Beit Sahour (the Shepherds Field) is known  for a  history of nonviolent resistance (including tax revolt in 1988-1989).  We are 70% Christian and 30% Muslim town with limited resources but highly educated middle class (there are over 300 PhD holders among the population of 12,000).

It was thus not a surprise that the town people decided to resist nonviolently the additional Israeli encroachment on our town.  We have already lost a lot of land. The Israeli response was rather brutal.  Our first prayer vigil was attacked while the Lutheran priest was leading us in prayer (see video at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4he1vayLrfo).  Being a member of the committee that organized that vigil and another peaceful event a week later, I was targeted.  An Israeli officer warned me not to participate and threatened me saying he knew I was leaving to the US for a lecture tour.  the day after I left to the US, they invaded our neighborhood at 1:30 AM (Tuesday morning) and demanded to see me.  My mother, sister and wife were terrorized for no reason.  They told the military I was already out of the country but would be happy to go talk to them when I return if need be.  The military left a paper that demands I show up at their offices. I came back here to deal with this through my lawyer but it looks like these were acts of intimidation and to scare others. Mine is the mild case.  There are far worst cases from holding activists in administrative detention to shooting and killing them.  We now commemorate the seventh anniversary of the murder of peace activist Rachel Corrie (see http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SHCJ-wUIPV0). Justice must be served and the oppression must end.

Being that Israel receives billions in our tax money, I as a US citizen ask our government to defend those of us (Americans, Palestinians, others) who engage in nonviolent resistance.  I ask the US to finally put a stop to the Israeli colonial activities.  The spit in the face of Vice President Biden by announcing new housing units in occupied Jerusalem cannot pass with a unsincere apology about “timing”.  The US can demand an end to settlement activity and even a removal of the settlements.  We saw that US power when President Eisenhower demanded Israel end its occupation of Gaza and the Sinai in 1956 and Israel was forced to comply.  The media editors can begin to cover reality of oppression here and how taxpayers contribute to it. People must declare where they stand for the tide is shifting and the day of reckoning is upon us just like in the civil rights movement or the anti-apartheid struggle.  History will not be kind to those who stand and watch from the sidelines. Silence in this case is clearly complicity.

Prof. Mazin Qumsiyeh

http://qumsiyeh.org

While enjoying the first day of spring weather on his bicycle this Wednesday, Christian Peacemaker Team’s founding director, Gene Stolzfus, died of a heart attack at the age of 70 near his home in Ontario.  I had the great pleasure to work side-by-side with Gene on the CPT violence-reduction project in Iraq during 2003 and 2004.  His charisma and courageous commitment to nonviolent alternatives to warfare left a lasting impression on everyone he encountered.  We will miss you, Gene.

Click here for more information on Gene’s life and work with CPT.

David Rovics has written a provocative blog criticizing Black Bloc property destruction tactics and attacks on the police.  The article strongly endorses nonviolent and formalized (meaning electoral and judicial) resistance.  Black Bloc tactics have had mixed success.  In many cases, property destruction has garnered enormous attention for grievances.  The property destruction has communicated an intensity of anger/grievance that is valuable.   However, it has also often alienated allies (including potential police allies) and pissed off locals who are most affected by the property destruction.  The biggest criticism for these approaches is a strategic one.  It is difficult to point to a strategic campaign that has benefited from these tactics in recent decades.  We can find no successful social movement sucessess. No political, economic, or legal victories. No significant cultural changes.

Anger actions (whether involving property destruction, attacks on police, or nonviolent (such as Act-Up) are best used to demonstrate the intensity of a problem and deeply held belief.   However, violent anger attacks have not shown success in building  social change movements capable of achieving political goals.

http://www.songwritersnotebook.blogspot.com/

After years of dedication to the cause of nonviolent activism, Howard Zinn passed away yesterday, January 27,2010.  Most famously know for his authorship of “A People’s History of the United States,” Zinn devoted his life to peaceful resistance.  Haunted by his experience as a bombardier during WWII, he began questioning the motivations of military action and winning wars through civilian deaths and collateral damage.  Since then he has taught at Spelman College and Boston University and been at the forefront of the civil rights movement as well as anti-war movements.  For more information: click here.

To quote from the outstanding fact finding report  published by the Asian Centre for Human Rights,  “The mob also sought to burn down the house of Surjamoni Reang. However, it could not be burnt as
Ms. Lokhoboti Reang refused to vacate the house.
Ms. Lokhoboti Reang told the ACHR FFT:
“They ordered me to get out of the house so that they can burn the
house. I told them I will die inside the house but not get out. Then
they took out a dagger to scare me. I told them you can kill me but I
will not leave the house. We will die here (Mizoram) but not leave”.
All these happened in presence of the security forces and the district
officials.”

Unfortunately, although there were successful acts of resistance, 5000 have been displaced with 2000 fleeing Mizoram for neighboring Tripura, where they live in squalid conditions.

An encouraging sign of compassion comes from the Mizo christian churches that have a mixed track record of support for those beyond their communities.  According to the report, substantial funds were raised by Presbyterian, Catholics, Seventh Day Adventists, Methodists and Baptists.  Let’s hope that the various denominations can also increase their support for Burmese refugees and provide more leadership in upholding the human rights for all the people of the region.

As an aside-

I look forward to the day when flat footed liberation front engages in a nonviolent struggle to eradicate high heel shoes that women all wear in Aizawl and many parts of Mizoram.  Mizo women associate high heels with being a good christian, a peculiar relic of American missionaries. Spending every day walking up and down stairs makes high heels in hilly Mizoram is as sensible as kilts in northern scotland and abayas and hijabs in tropical climates.

INSTITUTE FOR PEACE WORK

AND NONVIOLENT CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION

Wahlenau, Germany

In conjunction with Nonviolence Peaceforce

Announces a new Working Paper:

Civilian Peacekeeping. A Barely Tapped Ressource

Ed. By Christine Schweitzer

This Working Paper in English language includes five contributions on the subject of „Civilian Peacekeeping“. The articles have been written independently of each other and for different audiences. These audiences had in common that they were mainstream policymakers and scientists, not people from the peace and nonviolence movements. All the authors have for some time or still are involved with the NGO Nonviolent Peaceforce, and therefore chose the majority of their examples from the experiences of the work of NP.

Contributions by:

„Introduction – Civilian Peacekeeping. A Barely Tapped Ressource“ – Christine Schweitzer

„The World Needs ‚Another Peacekeeping’“ – Rolf Carrière

„Best Practices for Unarmed Civilian Peacekeeping – Tim Wallis

„Peacekeeping with Nonviolence: Protection Strategies for Sustainable Peace“ – Rachel Julians

„Humanitarian Protection as an Additional Function of Humanitarian, Development and Peace Projects – or Rather a Task Requiring Experts?“  – Christine Schweitzer

„The Responsibility to Protect: Towards an Expanded Role for Global Civil Society“ -  Christine Schweitzer

IFGK Working Paper No 23, Civilian Peacekeeping. A Barely Tapped Ressource, Ed. Christine Schweitzer, Vehrte: Sozio-Publishing, ISBN 978-3-935431-79-8, Recommended Price: 7,50 € (plus portage).

The paper can be downloaded for free from the websites of  IFGK (http://www.ifgk.de/oben/publikationen_all8.htm )

and soon also of Nonviolent Peaceforce (www.nonviolentpeaceforce.org).

Paper versions can be ordered at: Sozio-Publishing, Farnbrink 32 a, D-49191 Belm-Vehrte, Tel.: ++ 49 / (0) 05 406 / 81 88 44 , Fax: ++ 49 / (0) 05 406 / 81 88 45; E-Mail: service@sozio-publishing.de, Internet: www.sozio-publishing.de